Dear Sir
Richmond Hill July 20. 1789
There is a Sense, and a degree, in which the Executive, in our
Constitution, is blended with the Legislature: The President, has the Power of
Suspending a Law; of giving the two Houses an Opportunity to pause, to think, to collect
themselves, to reconsider a rash Step of a Majority; he has the Right to Urge all his
Reasons against it, by Speech or Message; which becoming Public is an Appeal to the
Nation— But the rational Objection, here is not that the Executive is blended with the
Legislature: but that it is not enough blended; that it is
not incorporated with it, and made an essential Part of it.— If it were an integral Part of it it might negative a Law, without much Noise, Speculation, or
Confusion among the People. But as it now Stands, I beg you, to consider—it is almost
impossible that a President Should ever have the Courage to make Use of his partial
negative. what a Situation would a President be in, to maintain a 88 Controversy against a Majority of both Houses, before the Tribunal of the Public. To
put a stop to a Law, that more than half the Senate and House, and consequently We may
Suppose more than half the Nation, had set their hearts upon.? it is moreover possible,
that more than two thirds of the Nation, the Senate and House, may in times of Calamity
Distress, Misfortune and ill success of the Measures of Government from the momentary
Passion and Enthusiasm, demand a Law which will wholly Subvert the Constitution. The
Constitution of Athens was overturned in such a moment by Aristides himself.— The
Constitution Should guard against a Possibility of its Subversion.— But We may take
Stronger ground and assert that it is probable, that Such Cases will happen and that the
Consitution will in fact be Subverted, in this Way.— Nay I go farther and Say, that from
the constitution of human nature and the constant Course of human Affairs it is certain,
that our Constitution will be Subverted, if not amended, and that in a very Short time,
merely for Want of a decisive negative in the Executive.
There is another Sense, and another Degree, in which the Executive
is blended with the legislature, which is liable to great and just Objection; which
excites Alarms, Jealousies and Apprehensions in a very great degree.— I mean 1. the
Negative of the Senate, upon Appointments to Office; 2. the Negative of the Senate upon
Treaties, and 3. the Negative of the two Houses upon War.— I Shall confine my self at
present to the first. The Negative of the Senate upon Appointments, is liable to the
following Objections. 1. It takes away, or a least it lessens the Responsibility of the
Executive—our Constitution obliges me to Say, that it lessens the Responsibility of the
President. The blame of an hasty, injudicious, weak or wicked Appointment, is shared So
much between him and the Senate, that his part of it will be too Small.— Who can censure
him, without censuring the Senate, and the legislatures who appoint them? all their
Friends will be interested to vindicate the President, in order to Screen them from
censure. besides if an Impeachment is brought before them against an officer are they
not interested to acquit him, least some part of the Odium of his Guilt Should fall upon
them, who advised to his appointment.
2. It turns the Minds and Attention of the People, to the Senate, a
Branch of the Legislature, in Executive matters. it interests another Branch of the
Legislature in the management of the Executive,. it divides the People, between the
Executive and the senate: whereas all the People ought to be united to watch the
Executive, to 89 oppose its Encroachments, and resist its Ambition.—
Senators and Representatives, and their Constituents, in short the Aristocratical and
Democratical Divisions of Society ought to be united, on all Occasions to oppose the
Executive, or the Monarchical Branch when it attempts to overleap its Limits. But how
can this Union be effected, when the Aristocratical Branch has pledged its Reputation to
the Executive by consenting to an Appointment.
3. It has a natural Tendency, to excite Ambition in the Senate,— An
active, ardent Spirit, in that House, who is rich, & able; has a great Reputation
and influence,; will be solicited by Candidates for Office. not to introduce the Idea of
Bribery, because, tho it certainly would force itself in, in other Countries, and will,
probably, here when We grow populous and rich, yet it is not yet, I hope to be dreaded.—
But Ambition must come in, already.— A Senator of great Influence, will be naturally
ambitious and desirous of increasing his Influence. Will he not be under a Temptation to
Use his Influence with the President as well as his Brother Senators, to appoint Persons
to Office in the several states who will exert themselves in Elections to get out his
Ennemies or Opposers both in senate and House of Representatives, and to get in his
Friends, perhaps his Instruments.? Suppose a Senator, to aim at the Treasury Office, for
himself, his Brother, Father, or son—suppose him to aim at the President’s Chair, or
Vice Presidents, at the next Election—or at the Office of War, foreign or domestic
affairs, will he not naturally be tempted to make Use of his whole Patronage his whole
Influence, in Advising to appointments, both with President and senators to get such
Persons nominated, as will exert themselves for Elections of President Vice President,
senators and H. of Representatives to increase his Interest and promote his Views.— in
this Point of View I am very apprehensive that this defect in our Constitution will have
an unhappy Tendency to introduce Corruption of the grossest Kinds both of Ambition and
Avarice into all our Elections. And this will be the worst of Poisons to our
Constitution—it will not only destroy the present form of Government, but render it
almost impossible to substitute in its Place any free Government, even a better limited
Monarchy, or any other than a Despotism or a Simple Monarchy.
4. To avoid the Evil, under the last head, it will be in danger of
dividing the Continent, into two or three Nations, a Case that presents no Prospect but
of perpetual War.
5. This Negative on appointments, is in danger of involving the
Senate in Reproach, Obloquy, Censure and Suspicion, without 90 doing any good.— Will the Senate Use their Negative or not.— if not; why Should they
have it—many will censure them, for not Using it. many will ridicule them, call them
Servile &c—if they do, Use it. The very first Instance of it, will expose the
Senators, to the Resentment not only of the disappointed Candidate and all his Friends;
but of the President and all his Friends; and these will be most of the Officers of
Government, through the nation.
6. We Shall very soon have Parties formed—a Court and Country
Party. and these Parties will have names given them, one Party in the House of
Representatives will support the President and his Measures and Ministers—the other will
oppose them. a Similar Party will be in senate— these Parties will Struggle with all
their Art, perhaps with Intrigue—perhaps with Corruption at Every Election to increase
their own Friends and diminish their opposers. Suppose Such Parties formed in senate,
and then consider what Factious divisions We shall have there, upon every
Nomination.
7. The Senate have not time. The Convention & Indian
Treaties.
You are of opinion “That the concurrence of the Senate in the
Appointments to Office, will Strengthen the hands of the Executive, and secure the
Confidence of the People, much better than a Select Council, and will be less expensive”
but in every one of these Ideas, I have the Misfortune to differ from you.1 1. it will weaken the hands of the Executive, by
lessening the Obligation, Gratitude and Attachment of the Candidate to the President. by
dividing his Attachment between the Executive and Legislative which are natural
Ennemies.— Officers of Government instead of having a Single Eye and undivided
Attachment to the Executive Branch, as they ought to have consistent with Law and the
Constitution, will be constantly tempted to be factious with their factious Patrons in
the senate. The Presidents own Officers in a thousand Instances will oppose his just and
constitutional Exertions, and Screen themselves under the Wings of their Patrons and
Party in the Legislature. Nor will it Secure the Confidence of the People. The People
will have more confidence in the Executive, in Executive matters than in the Senate.—
The People will be constantly jealous of factious Schemes in the senators to unduly
influence the Executive, and of corrupt bargains between the senate and Executive, to
serve each others private Views. The People will also be jealous that the Influence of
the senate will be employed to conceal, connive and defend guilt in Executive offices,
instead of being a guard and watch upon them and a terror to them. a Council selected by
the President himself at his Pleasure, from 91 among the senators,
Representatives and Nation at large, would be purely responsible. in that Case, the
Senate as a Body would not be compromised. The senate would be a Terror to Privy
Councillors. its Honour would never be pledged to support any Measure or Instrument of
the Executive, beyond Justice, law, and the Constitution. Nor would a privy Council be
more expensive. The whole Senate must now deliberate on every Appointment and, if they
ever find time for it, you will find that a great deal of time will be required and
consumed in this service. Then the President might have a constant Executive Council now
he has none.
I Said under the Seventh head that the Senate would not have time.—
You will find that the whole Business of this Government will be infinitely delayed, by
this Negative of the Senate on Treaties and Appointments.— Indian Treaties and Consular
Conventions have been already waiting for months and the senate have not been able to
find a moment of time to attend to them.—2 and this Evil must constantly increase. so that the Senate must be constantly
Sitting, and must be paid as long as they Sit.
but I have tired your Patience. Is there any Truth or Importance in
these broken hints and crude surmises? or not? To me they appear well founded and very
important. I am / with usual Affection Yours
John Adams